Evolution and Interpretation of Government Power

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Evolution and Interpretation of Government Power
Political voting in America has declined today since the level of elite and mass
political behavior changed. However, this has not always been the case in American
politics. For most of the voters, the physical sense of casting a ballot was the
juncture of an extended period of campaign activity. Election Day was a day of
excitement during which American voters participated in countless political meetings,
parades, and bonfires. The American sense of public-minded self-government
emerged when people felt dominated by government officials. In that epoch, voting
was openly defended while placing a premium on the practice of independent
citizenship. This sense of independence implied the right to serve in the militia with a
consequence of the corollary of 'voting alone' in the military service deep-rooted in
the public's mind. In 1791, criticism began on the national government's prolonged
debates over the whole question of exemptions from military service (Cultice 17).
This practice, if adopted, would mean that apprentices and miners should be
debarred from the privilege of bearing arms in defense of their country. The selection
of officers was conducted as it had been done during the American Revolution, and
various governors were induced to appoint those who would do well in the next
election. The importance of elections outweighed all other considerations to such an
extent that the rulers succeeded in forcing the government to let the military men get
back home to vote. However, a common person at that time felt alone in the voting
booth, for the army and officials were engaged in a war.
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The sense of public mindedness can be recaptured if people are given the
freedom to politicize or control the uncertainty in American politics. This uncertainty
arises when the same President is reelected, as well as with respect to the
President's ability to achieve public policy goals. One of the political problems facing
the nation was the fact that too many members of Congress became impatient when
something they wanted to be done was not achieved at once. To get an instant
action, they sought ways to circumvent the Constitution. They were convinced that
the proposal sent by Senator Kennedy to each member of the Senate was a clear
evasion of the Constitution. Getting away from the constitutional government was
just like opening the door to the loss of individual liberty. Therefore, government
frame-setters created a representative system in order to protect individual
democracy not limited to the government but to the public-minded character. In the
course of creation, the government later realized that through this fragmentation the
power only shifted from the frame-setters to the office-holders. Therefore, a reflection
of more fundamental transformations in economic structures and social relationships
began to shape up the pivotal arena where the battles over the future of the republic
started. The representative system they created draw distinct lines between the
defenders of equality and injustice and the forces of privilege and self-interest, which
means between moral democracy and dishonest politicians. However, this picture
dominated accounts of the political history of the old age where parliamentary and
presidential systems supported autocracy. American government powers had never
been as corrupted as they were at that stage, and reformers, professional
administrators, and technical experts always had significant authority and impact on
decision-making processes (Goebel 25). Hence, the party mobilization and the
fragmentation provided efficient but dominant means for developing and 
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institutionalizing democracy, after which it became evident that fiscal and economic
policies conducted by machine politicians and upper-class officials did not
substantially differ from each other.
The fragmentation of the government framework led divisions and uncertainty
in the American politics but remained unable immediately to form political parties.
However, the exercise of public power by the end of the eighteenth century emerged
in political differences concerned with the Federal role of the Government. Thus, by
1800, the first national parties, the Federalists and Republicans, were formed in
Congress (Lees et al. 70). The politicians who organized those parties realized that
being democratic, the Constitution fragmented political power within and among the
institutions as a mechanism for controlling political choices.
By fragmenting the government structure, the framers of our Government
initiated a new transformation that was hindered by the executive and judicial power.
This transformation profoundly disoriented formerly successful party leaders and
activists entrenched in the “old” politics and acting under the rule 

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